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APPENDIX.
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TAXATION.
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It was a principle of the Common Law, as it is of the law of nature, and
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of common sense, that no man can be taxed without his personal consent.
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The Common Law knew nothing of that system, which now prevails in
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England, of _assuming_ a man’s own consent to be taxed, because some
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pretended representative, whom he never authorized to act for him, has
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taken it upon himself to consent that he may be taxed. That is one of
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the many frauds on the Common Law, and the English constitution, which
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have been introduced since Magna Carta. Having finally established
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itself in England, it has been stupidly and servilely copied and
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submitted to in the United States.
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If the trial by jury were reëstablished, the Common Law principle of
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taxation would be reëstablished with it; for it is not to be supposed
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that juries would enforce a tax upon an individual which he had never
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agreed to pay. Taxation without consent is as plainly robbery, when
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enforced against one man, as when enforced against millions; and it is
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not to be imagined that juries could be blind to so self-evident a
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principle. Taking a man’s money without his consent, is also as much
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robbery, when it is done by millions of men, acting in concert, and
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calling themselves a government, as when it is done by a single
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individual, acting on his own responsibility, and calling himself a
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highwayman. Neither the numbers engaged in the act, nor the different
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characters they assume as a cover for the act, alter the nature of the
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act itself.
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If the government can take a man’s money without his consent, there is
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no limit to the additional tyranny it may practise upon him; for, with
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his money, it can hire soldiers to stand over him, keep him in
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subjection, plunder him at discretion, and kill him if he resists. And
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governments always will do this, as they everywhere and always have done
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it, except where the Common Law principle has been established. It is
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therefore a first principle, a very _sine qua non_ of political freedom,
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that a man can be taxed only by his personal consent. And the
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establishment of this principle, with _trial by jury_, insures freedom
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of course; because: 1. No man would pay his money unless he had first
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contracted for such a government as he was willing to support; and, 2.
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Unless the government then kept itself within the terms of its contract,
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juries would not enforce the payment of the tax. Besides, the agreement
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to be taxed would probably be entered into but for a year at a time. If,
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in that year, the government proved itself either inefficient or
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tyrannical, to any serious degree, the contract would not be renewed.
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The dissatisfied parties, if sufficiently numerous for a new
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organization, would form themselves into a separate association for
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mutual protection. If not sufficiently numerous for that purpose, those
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who were conscientious would forego all governmental protection, rather
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than contribute to the support of a government which they deemed unjust.
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All legitimate government is a mutual insurance company, voluntarily
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agreed upon by the parties to it, for the protection of their rights
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against wrong-doers. In its voluntary character it is precisely similar
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to an association for mutual protection against fire or shipwreck.
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Before a man will join an association for these latter purposes, and pay
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the premium for being insured, he will, if he be a man of sense, look at
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the articles of the association; see what the company promises to do;
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what it is likely to do; and what are the rates of insurance. If he be
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satisfied on all these points, he will become a member, pay his premium
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for a year, and then hold the company to its contract. If the conduct of
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the company prove unsatisfactory, he will let his policy expire at the
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end of the year for which he has paid; will decline to pay any further
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premiums, and either seek insurance elsewhere, or take his own risk
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without any insurance. And as men act in the insurance of their ships
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and dwellings, they would act in the insurance of their properties,
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liberties and lives, in the political association, or government.
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The political insurance company, or government, have no more right, in
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nature or reason, to _assume_ a man’s consent to be protected by them,
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and to be taxed for that protection, when he has given no actual
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consent, than a fire or marine insurance company have to assume a man’s
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consent to be protected by them, and to pay the premium, when his actual
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consent has never been given. To take a man’s property without his
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consent is robbery; and to assume his consent, where no actual consent
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is given, makes the taking none the less robbery. If it did, the
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highwayman has the same right to assume a man’s consent to part with his
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purse, that any other man, or body of men, can have. And his assumption
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would afford as much moral justification for his robbery as does a like
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assumption, on the part of the government, for taking a man’s property
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without his consent. The government’s pretence of protecting him, as an
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equivalent for the taxation, affords no justification. It is for himself
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to decide whether he desires such protection as the government offers
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him. If he do not desire it, or do not bargain for it, the government
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has no more right than any other insurance company to impose it upon
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him, or make him pay for it.
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Trial by the country, and no taxation without consent, were the two
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pillars of English liberty, (when England had any liberty,) and the
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first principles of the Common Law. They mutually sustain each other;
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and neither can stand without the other. Without both, no people have
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any guaranty for their freedom; with both, no people can be otherwise
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than free.[^118]
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By what force, fraud, and conspiracy, on the part of kings, nobles, and
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“a few wealthy freeholders,” these pillars have been prostrated in
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England, it is designed to show more fully in the next volume, if it
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should be necessary.
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[Footnote 118: Trial by the country, and no taxation without consent,
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mutually sustain each other, and can be sustained only by each other,
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for these reasons: 1. Juries would refuse to enforce a tax against a man
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who had never agreed to pay it. They would also protect men in forcibly
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resisting the collection of taxes to which they had never consented.
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Otherwise the jurors would authorize the government to tax themselves
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without their consent,—a thing which no jury would be likely to do. In
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these two ways, then, trial by the country would sustain the principle
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of no taxation without consent. 2. On the other hand, the principle of
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no taxation without consent would sustain the trial by the country,
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because men in general would not consent to be taxed for the support of
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a government under which trial by the country was not secured. Thus
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these two principles mutually sustain each other.
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But, if either of these principles were broken down, the other would
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fall with it, and for these reasons: 1. If trial by the country were
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broken down, the principle of no taxation without consent would fall
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with it, because the government would then be _able_ to tax the people
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without their consent, inasmuch as the legal tribunals would be mere
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tools of the government, and would enforce such taxation, and punish men
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for resisting such taxation, as the government ordered. 2. On the other
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hand, if the principle of no taxation without consent were broken down,
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trial by the country would fall with it, because the government, if it
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could tax people without their consent, would, of course, take enough of
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their money to enable it to employ all the force necessary for
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sustaining its own tribunals, (in the place of juries,) and carrying
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their decrees into execution.]
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